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1983 NY Times report on Agent Orange

https://www.nytimes.com/1983/09/11/nyregion/dioxin-panel-head-fights-bureaucracy.html


THE fighting spirit has never left Wayne P. Wilson, a decorated combat veteran who now does battle with the Federal and state bureaucracies.

Mr. Wilson, executive director of the New Jersey Agent Orange Commission, has seen his initial attitude of cautious cooperation with the Veterans Administration become more and more adversarial over what he views as a callous disregard for the needs of veterans - many of whom were exposed to the defoliant contaminated with the most toxic form of dioxin.

The commission's main purpose, under its charter, is to find out whether there are provable links between exposure to Agent Orange and ailments reported by Vietnam veterans. After a touch-and-go political fight for survival last year, $230,000 was eventually appropriated by the Legislature to further new research under the supervision of Dr. Peter C. Kahn, a commission member and a biochemist at Rutgers University's Cook College. But Mr. Wilson's activities cover a lot of ground. In March, for example he testified in Washington in favor of a House bill to require the V.A. to presume veterans to have service-connected disabilities for chloracne (a skin rash known to be caused by dioxin exposure), soft-tissue sarcoma (a cancer linked in some studies to 2,4,5-T, which was an Agent Orange component) and a liver disorder linked to exposure to toxic substances.

The commission is ''very much'' advocacy-oriented, conceded Mr. Wilson, who was wounded on his second tour in Vietnam.

Mr. Wilson also contends that the Federal Government did little until state commissions began goading the Federal establishment and that that action is mostly negative.

''All Federal efforts seem to be aimed at proving that Agent Orange is not a risk,'' Mr. Wilson asserted.

Just getting the V.A. to listen to the state commissions has been a struggle, he said. About two years ago, according to Mr. Wilson, the commission had asked that the states be given representation on the V.A. advisory committee on the defoliant. Finally, in March, the new head of the V.A., Harry N. Walters, agreed to let state commissions collectively have one representative.

On the state political front, Mr. Wilson and commission members are in a wrangle with the Governor's office over the panel's leadership. Several weeks ago, Mr. Wilson received a copy of a letter signed by Governor Kean naming Paul Licitra, an insurance salesman and an aide to Senator Walter E. Foran, Republican of Flemington, as chairman to replace Guy A. Wiener, who resigned from his post but not from the commission, for health and professional reasons. However, the commission, following its bylaws, had already elected one of its own, Allen Falk, a lawyer who served with the First Marine Division in Vietnam, to the position.

Mr. Wilson insisted that the commission, the veterans community and even the Governor's own Advisory Council on Veterans Affairs had not been consulted in advance.

One of the panel's objections, said Mr. Wilson, is that Mr. Licitra is unknown to people working on Agent Orange. Also, he said, the early phases of Dr. Kahn's research are about to begin at Barnert Memorial Hospital Center in Paterson. And other research is being considered by the Rutgers University Human Subjects Review Board, an ethics panel.

''The scientific people are very suspicious of any political involvement here at all,'' said Mr. Wilson, who said the panel was chartered as an autonomous unit.

In his latest skirmish with the V.A., Mr. Wilson sharply criticized a report to the American Chemical Society that said data collected on veterans screened through V.A. hospitals had turned up no link between Agent Orange or dioxin and health problems.

''We think the V.A. should take steps to take back the misinformation it put out,'' he said. Dr. Kahn assailed the report from the convention floor, said Mr. Wilson, adding that a Government Accounting Office study in 1982 had found fault with the hospital screening program as slack on the collection of basic information.

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As another example of frustration, Mr. Wilson cited a major epidemiological study mandated by Congress three years ago, which was finally transferred from the V.A.'s to the National Centers for Disease Control - and which still has not been made. ''The V.A. clearly has set themselves up in an adversarial role,'' he asserted, saying Congressional hearings in April showed the agency was mostly concerned with having to pay compensation.

Despite heightened public awareness after disclosures about dioxin- tainted towns in Missouri, ''the issue of Agent Orange is being controlled much too much by the V.A.,'' he said.

This ambiguous relationship with the V.A. is one reason the Legislature in the first place backed the need for independent, non-Federal research.

''Obviously, there are folks who don't want to accept the body of evidence'' suggesting a link between Agent Orange and various disorders, Mr. Wilson continued, such as cancers, neurological disease and birth defects in children of veterans. ''Nor do we accept the V.A. position that there is no evidence.''

''It is incumbent on someone to come up with scientific evidence either proving or disproving a link,'' he said.

Dr. Kahn's study, designed in consultation with experts at Rutgers, will seek to determine whether patterns of health effects can be traced to veterans with detectable levels of dioxin in their bodies. He is doing the research with a Swedish expert on dioxin poisoning, Dr. Christopher Rappe, who developed means to detect dioxin in residents of Seveso, Italy, years after an industrial accident spread a plume of dioxin over the town.

Concerning an Agent Orange conference sponsored by Vietnam in January, Mr. Wilson and commission members maintain that, despite the fact that ''a lot of good people'' attended, the draft summary of the conference ''doesn't deal much in anything scientific'' and recounts much of what the commission already knows. At any rate, ''anything coming out of there'' will be viewed with suspicion in the United States, he said.

A secondary commission objective, Mr. Wilson said, has been to educate veterans, the public and legislators on some of the issues. As a result, the commission has established a rapport with many Vietnam veterans.

Mr. Wilson's cramped office here is swamped with calls and the office responds by sending out packets of information not only to New Jersey veterans but also to veterans throughout the country, on other issues of concern, such as delayed stress syndrome (in which some of the emotional trauma of combat does not surface until years later) and melioidosis, a tropical disease that typically afflicts the lungs.

The biggest payoff for his campaign, Mr. Wilson said, would be to alleviate the uncertainty so many veterans face on health effects.

The more the delay on verifying a link between Agent Orange and health problems - which Dr. Kahn has said is not certain at all - the more the delay into research for treatment, noted Mr. Wilson.

And suppose Agent Orange is proved to be a major health threat to veterans, then what? ''What's next?'' he said. ''I don't know what's next.''

A subject that Mr. Wilson has downplayed, but that still raises a trace of indignation, is his salary: $20,754. The father of two said he had been awaiting a raise to $24,000 since July 1982 but it had been tied up in the Governor's office. As an unclassified state worker, he receives no scheduled raises.

''I'm probably the lowest paid executive director in the state of New Jersey,'' he likes to say.

A version of this article appears in print on Sept. 11, 1983, Section 11NJ, Page 5 of the National edition with the headline: DIOXIN PANEL HEAD FIGHTS BUREAUCRACYOrder Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe

1983 NY Times report on MIAs

https://www.nytimes.com/1983/05/22/nyregion/rutherford-woman-fights-for-mias.html



RUTHERFORD WOMAN FIGHTS FOR M.I.A.'S

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CONVINCED that United States officials have been covering up the retention of American servicemen in Indochina, Josephine McAtarian is fighting to open up the issue and bring the men home.

When she first founded her organization, the Red Ribbon-Red Badge of Courage Campaign, three years ago, Mrs. McAtarian was often dismissed as a crackpot. But recently, even President Reagan has acknowledged that a ''number'' of former prisoners of the Vietnam War have told of men who have not returned.

Mrs. McAtarian, a registered nurse who runs her campaign from her Rutherford home, persuaded the municipality to proclaim itself MIA (Missing in Action) Town U.S.A. for a week, and on April 17 bells tolled and sirens wailed here for those still missing in action.

Mrs. McAtarian and other of her fellow activists cite a number of factors which, she says, bear out her contention that American prisoners were left behind following the Paris peace accords of January, 1973.

For example, they note that Henry A. Kissinger, then the National Security Adviser, wrote in his memoirs that both he and President Richard M. Nixon were under enormous pressure to reach a settlement before Congress unilaterally ended the war.

As a result, the activists assert, Dr. Kissinger left some issues unresolved - including a full accounting of prisoners - on the assumption that they would be taken up during ensuing economic aid talks. However, the talks collapsed the following June.

''We believe as many as 500 men were held back by the Communists,'' Mrs. McAtarian said, adding: ''Nixon and Kissinger should be tried for high treason.'' A former Defense Department official, Roger Shields, testified before a Congressional committee in 1979 that 150 ''hard-core'' cases of unacknowledged prisoners, for which the United States had evidence, had been presented to the Vietnamese, but with no results. He said this number represented only a small fraction of such cases.

According to Defense and State Department correspondence, several weeks after the peace-pact signing, Dr. Kissinger gave Hanoi the files on 80 servicemen that the United States strongly believed had not been freed.

The issue did not begin to gain much recognition until 1979, when George Brooks of Newburgh, N.Y., director of the Washington-based National League of Families of Prisoners and Missing in Southeast Asia, released a compendium of ''sightings'' obtained from refugees.

Soon after that, the Pentagon admitted, the Government deemed all reports of such sightings secret. To date, the Pentagon has 486 eyewitness accounts of American servicemen having been seen alive in Vietnam and Laos, with more than 60 such reports in the last 12 months alone.

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In an address to families of missing servicemen in Washington last January, President Reagan called most of these reports ''credible.'' What he did not mention, says Col. Earl Hopper of Arizona, a league director, is that nearly all the witnesses passed Government polygraph tests and that Department of Defense intelligence officials told him that 98 percent of the reports were highly credible.

Mrs. McAtarian first got interested in the issue when she saw a telecast saying that Swedish construction workers had come across a chain gang of Americans north of Hanoi in 1981. (As with other sightings, the State Department called the report ''a rumor.'')

Mrs. McAtarian then got in touch with the League of Families and others interested in the missing and compiled documents which, she insists, prove a high-level conspiracy by the Government to bury the issue.

She said she hoped that other communities would follow Rutherford's example by declaring themselves an MIA Town U.S.A. Three others plan to, she said, but declined to name them.

The organization that Mrs. McAtarian heads is financed by her husband Frank, a businessman. It sends packets of information all over the nation, and a number of groups have taken up the ''red ribbon'' theme.

Mrs. McAtarian believes that President Reagan is using the missing in action-prisoner of war issue for political expedience. The Administration is asking the families to create public awareness, she said, when he could easily do that job himself.

''Why the hell didn't he bring this up in his State of the Union message?'' rather than wait for the meeting of the missing-in-action families in January, she asked.

''The Vietnamese are certainly to blame, too,'' Mrs. McAtarian asserted, saying that Hanoi has always been cagey on the subject. In response to these charges, Nguyen Can, a high-level official at the Hanoi mission to the United Nations, said that ''a segment of the American press'' was trying to ''smear'' his country. He said that all American prisoners had been freed in 1973, but he did not directly respond to a question as to whether any prisoners might have been overlooked or had ''chosen'' to stay.

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